Overview
Strategically located in southern Africa, near Zimbabwe and South Africa, Mozambique has been slow to recover from a terrible civil war that dominated the country from the late 1970s to the early 1990s. The conflict was entangled in the Cold War of the time, as Mozambique allied itself with the Soviet Union and supported rebels fighting pro-Western governments in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and South Africa. In turn, the two neighboring countries aided a ruthless rebel movement (RENAMO) that sought to topple the Mozambique government. During the Reagan years, hardliners in Washington argued for American support of RENAMO despite its ghastly attacks on civilians. The US ultimately did not provide aid to RENAMO, thanks to the State Department’s insistence on not siding with the maligned guerrillas. The US did lend its weight to helping broker peace talks between the warring sides in Mozambique, and following the end of the civil war, American assistance grew to support economic and humanitarian efforts. This decade the Bush administration has sought to help Mozambique deal with the AIDS crisis, which has ravaged the country. However, the US program (PEPFAR) does not allow Mozambique to buy low-cost generic drugs not approved by US regulators, leaving local officials only with the option of buying name-brand pharmaceuticals—which the country cannot afford. Today, Mozambique is plagued with malaria which devastates its population growth. Mozambique is ranked 172 of 182 for human development according to the United Nations’2009 Human Development Index.
Basic Information
Lay of the Land: Mozambique lies on the southeast coast of Africa between Tanzania to the north and South Africa and Swaziland to the south. The Mozambique Channel laps against its 1,600 mile coastline. Coastal lowlands rise to a high interior plateau. The western borders are home to the Bvumba Mountains and Eastern Highlands Mountain Range.
Population: 21,780,614
Religions: Ethnoreligious 35%, Catholic 22%, Protestant 22%, Muslim (Sunni) 20%, Hindu 0.2%.
Ethnic Groups: African 99.7% (Makhuwa, Tsonga, Lomwe, Sena et al.) Euro-Africans 0.2%, Indians 0.08%, Europeans 0.06%.
Languages: Makhuwa language cluster (Central, Marrevone, Meeto, Moniga, Saka, Shirima) 24.6%, Ndau 10.1%, Tsonga 8.0%, Lomwe 6.9%, Sena 4.7%, Chopi 4.3%, Chuwabu 4.2%, Tswa 3.7%, Ronga 3.4%, Nyanja 2.6%, Yao 2.4%, Makonde 1.2%, Portuguese (official) 0.2%. There are 43 living languages in Mozambique.
History
Mozambique’s early history saw the region inhabited by the Bushmenoide Hunters, who were forced to emigrate by the Bantu peoples. The Bantu established kingdoms throughout East Africa and began to trade with Arabs, Persians, and Asians around 1000 AD.
Mozambique’s geography dictated the division of kingdoms between 1200 and 1400. To the north of the Zambezi River, kingdoms such as Makua, Maravi, and Yao were founded, while the Shona Empire was situated between the Zambezi and Limpopo Rivers. The Thonga Kingdoms were established south of the Limpopo River.
In 1498, a Portuguese explorer, Vasco da Gama, landed on the Mozambican coast intending to create trading posts, but was forced out of the country. He saw many Arab traders along the coast and a widespread belief in Islam.
Da Gama returned in 1500 and successfully began to control the area. He helped to institute Portuguese dominance of trade in the region by putting down the Islamic resistance. These military operations were justified in terms of religion: Christians from Portugal fought against Islamic control on the coast.
In the early 1500s, Portugal also invaded India and conquered Goa. Goa became home to many Christian missionaries, some of whom were sent to Mozambique. The Portuguese crown gave authority to Goa to rule over Mozambique as an archbishopric.
Portuguese farmers began to settle in the seventeenth century as explorers travel inward. Portuguese settlers were permitted to claim land and use the people within the territory as laborers—essentially slaves—as long as he paid a “Prazo” tax to Portugal. Some of the owners, known as “prazeros”, also had private armies.
Settlers eventually began to intermarry with the local population in the 1700s. The mixed African-Portuguese population was referred to as mestiços. Due to African cultural influence and intermarriage, as well as increased economic independence, the settlers began to refuse paying taxes.
In 1752, Goa’s authority over Mozambique ended because Mozambique became a Portuguese colony. Portugal began to trade slaves from Mozambique with its own plantations in Brazil and French plantations. Meanwhile, Portugal also established a fort in Lourenço Marques which would eventually become a town.
In 1842, Portugal banned slave trade from Mozambique; however, slave trade was conducted in secrecy from the Portuguese government for several decades.
Other European powers also fought for control in Africa. In 1890, Great Britain gave an ultimatum to Portugal by asking it to leave the territory. The following year, Portugal reached boundary agreements with Britain in south east Africa.
In the late 19th century and early 20th century, Portuguese rule forcefully suppressed much of the African resistance in Mozambique. Individual kingdoms, such as the Shangana, Nyanja, and Yao, were gradually defeated, and authority was given to trading companies such as Mozambique Co.
After the Portuguese revolution of 1926, the government of Portugal took a more direct interest in Mozambique. Company influence declined as the government began to use laborers to build infrastructure and worked for other Portuguese needs.
In 1951, Mozambique became an overseas province of Portugal which symbolized that the region would have a bit more autonomy.
In 1962, the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), led by Eduardo Mondlane, formed to resist Portuguese control of the country. However, Portugal would not give up control. This sparked guerilla warfare in northern Mozambique. By 1965, fighting had spread to Niassa, and by 1968, FRELIMO was able to open fronts in the Tete region. By that time, it claimed to control one-fifth of the country. In response, Portugal committed more troops, military supplies, and military aid funds to the territory.
Mondlane, was killed by a parcel bomb sent by unknown assassins in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania in 1969. He was succeeded by Samora Machel, who became president of the organization in December 1970.
Despite this change in power, FRELIMO, with a force of about 7,000 guerillas, gained control of most of central and northern Mozambique.
In 1972, Mazambique became a self-governing state, however, Portuguese rule was not overthrown until 1974.
The turning point in Mozambique’s struggle for independence was Portugal’s own revolution in 1974, which led Portuguese officials to decide it was time to let go of the colony. Mozambique became officially independent on June 25, 1975, after a ceasefire and negotiations. It became known as the People’s Republic of Mozambique. Machel, the last ruler of FRELIMO, became the nation’s first president.
Black rule of Mozambique led many European settlers to flee the country. Due to their exodus, Mozambique lost many skilled workers and the economy was crippled. Machel nationalized all the industries and began to reform the health and education sectors.
Meanwhile, Mozambique harbored rebels of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Machel supported the liberation movement in neighboring Rhodesia (later to become Zimbabwe), which upset South African leaders who backed the white elite in Rhodesia.
In 1975, Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO) was formed and led by former FRELIMO leader André Matsangaissa. The goal of the anti-communist RENAMO was to prevent Mozambique from providing shelter to ZANU rebels who wanted to overthrow the Rhodesian government. It was also sponsored by the Central Intelligence Organization of Rhodesia.
On March 3, 1976, Mozambique took action against Rhodesia by closing their shared border, damaging rail and communications links, and nationalizing Rhodesian-owned property. As a result, Mozambican economic situation was slightly harmed. Meanwhile, Rhodesian forces conducted land and air raids into Mozambique to go after rebels using their Communist neighbor as a sanctuary. The raids ended in 1980, and the border was reopened following the transformation of white-ruled Rhodesia into black-ruled Zimbabwe.
The leaders of the ruling FRELIMO party, who had been receiving military aid from the USSR, signed a treaty of friendship and cooperation in March 1977, and FRELIMO declared itself communist.
Mozambique continued to harbor members of the African National Congress (ANC) which was seeking to overthrow the Apartheid government in South Africa. This led to South African air attacks on Mozambique’s capital, Maputo, in 1981 and 1983.
On March 16, 1984, Mozambique and South Africa signed a nonaggression pact at Nkomati whereby Mozambique agreed to keep the African National Congress from using Mozambican territory for guerrilla attacks on South Africa, while South Africa agreed to stop supporting RENAMO. South Africa, however, continued to aid RENAMO covertly. As a result, Mozambique pulled out of the commission that monitored the nonaggression pact.
In October 1986, President Machel and 33 others were killed when their Soviet-built jetliner crashed inside South Africa while returning to Maputo. Mozambican officials accused South Africa of employing a radio beacon to lure the craft off course to its destruction, but an international commission found that the crash was caused by negligence on the part of the Soviet crew. A month after the crash, Mozambique’s Central Committee elected Foreign Minister Joaquim A. Chissano as president.
In 1987, Mozambique and South Africa attempted to decrease tensions by bringing back the nonaggression pact. However, fighting increased and refugees fled to Malawi and Zimbabwe.
By 1989-1990, there was an attempt to end the civil war. At a 1989 congress, FRELIMO formally renounced its adherence to Marxism-Leninism. Peace talks were initiated, and Chissano announced that FRELIMO would allow opposition parties to compete in Mozambique’s elections.
On October 4, 1992, the Rome General Peace Accords were signed, ending the sixteen-year civil war. The Accords also called for a transition to democracy and a UN peacekeeping force of 7,500. The peacekeeping force arrived in 1993 and left in 1995.
Chissano and Afonso Dhlakama, RENAMO’s leader, signed an agreement to withdraw Zimbabwean and Malawian troops from the country and create an army consisting of half RENAMO troops and half FRELIMO troops. A joint commission of government, RENAMO, and a UN monitoring force, known as the UN Operations in Mozambique, were to cooperate to monitor its implementation.
The peace process was delayed due to RENAMO’s slow appointment of representatives to the newly formed commissions. RENAMO also did not demobilize, and began to make additional demands of the FRELIMO party. Meetings with Chissau and UN Secretary-General Bhoutros-Bhoutros Ghali were ineffective.
Despite a slowed peace process, elections wnt ahead. In 1994, Mozambique held its first free elections with multiple political parties. Chissano won 53.3% of the vote to Dhlakama’s 33.7%. FRELIMO took 44% of the popular vote to RENAMO's 37.7%, giving the ruling government power 129 seats in the national legislature and RENAMO 112.
Dhlakama claimed that the voting had been unfair, and UN observers agreed. However, Chissano continued to take steps to form his new government, which consisted of a new cabinet made of only FRELIMO members.
In December 1999 elections, Chissano once again defeated Dhlakama, 52.29% to 47.71%, while his party took 133 seats against 117 for RENAMO.
After the end of the Civil War, the government began to repatriate refugees. By 1996, 1.6 million had returned.
The newly formed nation began to stabilize, but remained poor. International investment and the World Bank’s Structural Adjustment Programs were initiated to increase economic activity.
In 2004, Chissano stepped down after 18 years as the head of state. Mozambicans engaged in their third general election since independence and voted in Armando Guebuza.
In 2006, Islamic protesters stood outside of the Savanna news agency in opposition to cartoons of Prophet Muhammed. The cartoons first appeared in Danish newspapers and were later published in Mozambique. Although much anger was quelled with an apology, a portion of the Islamic population was still angered. These events highlighted the religious discrimination within the country.
Mozambique suffered large floods from the Zambezi River for two consecutive years. In January 2008, the Tete region was flooded and displaced 80,000 people. Although the government encouraged farmers to settle in higher regions, many decided to move back due to the fertility of the land. Many of the farmers who returned to the fertile land along the river bank eventually died from the river overflowing its banks.
Since the end of the Mozambique Civil War, the country has tripled its Gross Domestic Product. However, diseases such as HIV/AIDS and malaria remain rampant. Estimates suggest about 5.8 million residents were diagnosed with malaria in 2007.
History of Mozambique (Wikipedia)
Mozambique Timeline (The Crawfurd.dk)
Mozambique's Sixteen-Year Bloody Civil War (GlobalSecurity.org)
Mozambique's Newspapers
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History of U.S. Relations with Mozambique
On November 8, 1975, the US opened an Embassy in Maputo. The first American ambassador arrived in Mozambique in March 1976. That year, the US provided a $10 million grant to the government to compensate for the economic costs of sanctioning Rhodesia. The US changed its policy in 1977 due to human rights violations. Congress stated that developmental aid could only be given if it benefited US interests.
The Carter administration accused Mozambique of human rights violations, leading to tensions between the two governments. In March 1981, the Mozambican Government accused the US of espionage and expelled four members of the US Embassy staff.
In attempt to improve relations, President Ronald Reagan sent an emissary, Chester Crocker, to Mozambique later on in the year.
Relations also improved as Mozambique began to decrease ties to the Soviet Union.
A new US ambassador, Peter Jon de Vos, was assigned to Maputo in 1983 while the Mozambican envoy was sent to Washington. The heads of the two countries discussed the founding of a new economic aid known as the US Agency for International Development (USAID) for Mozambique in 1984.
While relations appeared to be growing between Washington and Maputo, a fierce internal battle was being waged within the Reagan administration over whether the US should aid RENAMO guerrillas. Hardliners such as CIA Director William Casey and National Security Adviser John Poindexter advocated for American support for the rebels, arguing they represented a democratic alternative to the Communist FRELIMO. However, Reagan refused to support RENAMO due to its terrorist acts.
Mozambique also had strategic value, both because of its geographic location (sharing a border with South Africa, whose Apartheid government had friends in the Reagan cabinet) and its mineral wealth. The country is home to largest reserve of columbo tantalite, a substance used for nuclear reactors and aircraft and missile parts. It is also the second largest producer of beryllium, another element used in nuclear weapons.
Casey and other hawks in the Reagan administration were backed by conservatives on Capitol Hill led by Senators Jesse Helms and Bob Dole. Together, the “RENAMO lobby” fought to push US policy in the direction of helping the guerillas. Despite having the ear of the president, the hardliners were unsuccessful, thanks to the State Department led by Secretary of State George Schultz, who was turned off by the atrocities committed by RENAMO soldiers.
For instance, RENAMO gangs massacred 424 civilians in the southern town of Homoine on July 18, 1987. An American Mennonite missionary reported that RENAMO killed hospital patients and children while repeating political slogans. The following year, a State Department official described RENAMO as guilty of “one of the most brutal holocausts against ordinary human beings since World War II.”
As Schultz’s insistence, the US did not embrace RENAMO as freedom fighters, and instead American diplomats urged the Mozambique government to begin making overtures to RENAMO to have peace talks.
The civil war ended in 1992 with the Rome General Peace Accords and the US contributed personnel and financial aid to help Mozambique transition to a democracy. The US also began to expand its economic and humanitarian aid to Mozambique. Emergency food assistance was provided in the wake of the 1991-1993 drought. President Joaquim Chissano visited the US on several more occasions following his visit with Reagan in 1987. He met with President George H. W. Bush (March 1990), Secretary of State James Baker (July 1992) and President Clinton (November 1998).
Deciding to Intervene (by James M. Scott, p. 204 and 207)
Mozambique: During Apartheid's War, McCain Supported Renamo (AllAfrica.com)
Current U.S. Relations with Mozambique
US-Mozambique relations are described as “excellent” by William R. Steiger, a former US ambassador to Mozambique. The US government continues its USAID program and has made the fight against HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis one of the top priorities in the nation.
Mozambique and the US have agreed on an Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief and the President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI). The President’s Emergency Plan donated US $228.6 million in 2008 while the PMI was launched in December 2006. Since 2006, approximately 500,000 nets have been provided to protect residents against malaria-carrying mosquitoes.
The US also contributes financial aid through many other organizations. As a result, the US has become Mozambique’s largest bilateral donor.
In order to improve trade and investment, the US has made two significant agreements. The first, established in 2000, was the Bilateral Investment Treaty. This was followed by the Trade and Investment Framework Agreement in 2005.
During President George W. Bush’s second term, President Armando Guebuza visited the US five times: to participate in President Bush’s mini-summit on Africa, the Corporate Council on Africa Business Summit, UN General Assembly Meeting, and the Fourth Development Cooperation Forum.
Regarding travel, 7,878 Americans visited the Mozambique in 2005 while 737 Mozambicans visited the US in 2006. Although the number of Mozambicans to the US has remained constant, the number of US citizens to Mozambique has fluctuated due to health warnings.
In 2007, Guebuza signed the Millennium Challenge Corporation Compact (MCC) in Washington, DC. The MCC agreed to US $ 506.9 million over the span of five years with goals such as reducing poverty and malnutrition.
Where Does the Money Flow
In 2009, US exports to Mozambique totaled $189.8 million, while imports amounted in $38.8 million. The total exports of petroleum products increased from $19.7 million to $31.55 million, while wheat exports increased from $12.6 million and $31.6 million between 2006 and 2009.
“Petroleum products” and “Drilling and Oilfield Equipment” have been the largest growing American exports, rising from $13.75 million in 2005 to $48.03 million in 2008 and $579 thousand in 2005 to $23.29 million in 2009. This has increased due to the demand for jet fuel and gasoline. Gasoil, however, is in the most demand, especially from the southern and central regions of the country which are probably more developed than the northern portion.
The US also has sold large amounts of wheat—$7.05 million in 2005 to $31.55 million in 2009. The high imports of wheat are a response to seasonal flooding and droughts. Mozambique does have fertile land however only about 14 percent is used for farming.
US imports of bauxite and aluminum have become the largest category of imports from Mozambique. They were first imported in 2009 at $17.2 million. Bauxite is an ore that is used to create aluminum. Aluminum is used in transportation, packaging, and electrical applications. US demand for this product is high due to aluminum’s characteristics of flexibility and recyclability. It is becoming important in real estate, construction, and automobile manufacturing.
Mozambique has increased its exports of nuts and preparations to the US from $537 thousand in 2005 to $4.0 million in 2009. This is due to improved climate in regions cultivating nuts and a decreased tension in the international financial crisis. Cashews are the main nuts cultivated and have become Mozambique’s leading cash crop. The sector has also benefited from the creation of IKURU, a company owned by local farmers, in 2003. It has more than 22,000 farmer shareholders of whom 40 percent are women.
In July 2007, Mozambique signed a $506.9 million, five-year compact with the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC). Of this total, $203.6 million will go towards water and sanitation, $176.3 million to transportation, and $39.1 million for Land Tenure Services.
Most of the money flowing from the US to Mozambique in aid is in for health-related projects, increasing from a total of $256.9 million in 2008 to $282.7 million in 2010. The money is invested in decreasing water-related diseases and creating health programs and family planning. The President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI) aims to reduce malaria-related deaths by 50%. However, the funding for the PMI will not all come from the US government. Money is also invested in the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), which hopes to integrate prevention, care, and treatment programs and assist children orphaned by AIDS.
Controversies
US AIDS Relief Program Ties Hands of Mozambique Officials
When the Mozambique government agreed to become a recipient of President George W Bush’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (Pepfar), officials had hoped they would be gaining new resources in the fight against a disease that kills thousands a day across Africa. Pepfar was supposed to represent a healthy injection of cash for poor countries like Mozambique. But Pepfar has restrictions that prevent the purchase of generic drugs which are cheaper than name brand pharmaceuticals. Beneficiaries of Pepfar cash are only allowed to buy drugs approved by the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA). This provision ruled out cheaper generic treatments that the poor in Mozambique desperately need.
Avertino Barreto, a director in Mozambique’s Ministry of Health and one of the coordinators of the HIV/AIDS effort, said the restrictions were unfair. With less than $2 per head to spend on drugs, the ministry’s policy was always to buy generics approved by the World Health Organization. Within two years, Pepfar money will account for about 20% of the country’s HIV/AIDS budget. Unless generics are approved by the FDA, Mozambique will not be able to use the Pepfar cash to buy medications.
Mozambique faces HIV cash dilemma (by Orla Ryan, BBC News)
Human Rights
According to the US State Department, “Incidents of serious human rights abuses, including vigilante killings, occurred during the year. Security forces continued to commit unlawful killings although the government took steps to prosecute perpetrators. Prison conditions remained harsh and life-threatening, resulting in several deaths. Arbitrary arrest and detention, as well as lengthy pretrial detention, were problems. An understaffed and inadequately trained judiciary was inefficient and influenced by the ruling party. Political and judicial decisions involving independent media outlets constrained press freedom. Societal problems including domestic violence, discrimination against women, abuse, exploitation, forced labor of children, trafficking in women and children, and discrimination against persons with HIV/AIDS remained widespread.”
Elections
In 2004, elections were held and President Armando Guebuza was sworn in. Although the U.S. State Department considered the elections to be comparatively free and fair overall, some violations were apparent. For example, the dominant party, FRELIMO, used state funds for campaign purposes. In addition, opposing parties accused the government of spying on members of the opposition parties and unlawfully entering party activities.
The latest elections were held on October 28, 2009; however, pre-election violence ensued. Clashes occurred between supporters of the FRELIMO party and the RENAMO party. The two parties accused one another of starting the violence and destroying campaign materials. In one incident, the two parties engaged in separate parades that crossed paths. This resulted in fighting and stoning. Those involved have been tried and given sentences. Additionally, the violations in 2004 reoccurred in the 2009 elections. In one incident, three RENAMO candidates were rejected by the National Election Commission. However, the Constitutional Council later repealed the rejection on the basis of illegal exclusion. Despite their inclusion, six of nine presidential candidates were still rejected as candidates. As a result, Freedom House, an NGO that monitors democracy, does not consider Mozambique an electoral democracy.
The political processes, however, do not exclude members based on ethnicity or gender. It is reported that 10 of 51 ministers are women.
Political Violence
Police violence is also a concern in Mozambique. According to Amnesty International, police engage in unlawful activities and most are given impunity. Overall, there is minimal transparency in police activities and mechanisms. For example, within the first six months of 2006, 26 police shootings were recorded. Despite a result of 46 deaths, these cases were bypassed.
Witnesses say that violence is used first and many police abuse their power. On September 2009, for example, a man was shot and killed for attempting to steal a mirror, but the police were not prosecuted.
Although most cases of police abuse are undocumented, the government is moving to combat this problem. In September 2008, the Criminal Investigation Police agent Alexandre Francisco Balate was sentenced to 30 months in prison for killing Abranches Afonso Pencelo in 2007.
Additionally, subsidiary government bodies have been established to combat violence, such as the Mozambican National Police and the Community Policing Councils.
Freedom of Speech and Press
The Mozambican constitution gives rights to freedom of speech and press. However, citizens complain that the government monitors telephone calls and e-mails. For example, O Pais stated that a journalist was threatened for criticizing the governor’s leadership.
A 1991 law enforces the right of journalists to keep their sources hidden. However, police in the Cabo Delgado region of Mozambique pressured a journalist to reveal his sources about an article concerning local military officers.
The Media Institute of Southern Africa suggests that media in Mozambique have expanded and developed. However, they are still pressured to reveal sources and are harassed not only by police, but also by courts and administrators.
Freedom of Movement
Regarding freedom of movement, Mozambican law protects travel, migration, and repatriation. However, these policies are not always carried out. Mozambique has legally established traffic checkpoints, but authorities at these checkpoints harass foreigners and engage in bribery.
Discrimination
Although discrimination is prohibited, women and those inflicted with HIV/AIDs are still discriminated against.
Sexual Misconduct and Domestic Violence
Women are not to be raped according to the law and those who commit such atrocities will be given penalties; however, this is not properly enforced. NGO reports suggest that spousal rape and domestic violence are common issues. However, this is rarely brought to trial because most families settle these issues privately. Wives will not take these situations to court because it is against cultural traditions. More than half of the women reported domestic violence by a man sometime in their lives. In order to combat these acts, a “green line” was established. This telephone line allows police to receive reports of violence against women and children, but this has not been fully implemented yet.
Prostitution is not illegal, although sexual harassment is. However, sexual exploitation still occurs, especially to Zimbabwean female refugees.
Regarding access to contraceptives and treatment of HIV/AIDS, no restrictions are placed. However, proper usage of contraceptives is not taught and there remains an overall lack of doctors and nurses in Mozambique.
Cultural practices such as “Purification” also remain in parts of the country. In this tradition, a widow is required to have sex without contraceptives with a member of the husband’s family, which increases the risk of HIV/AIDS. If a woman does not do so, she loses rights to inheritance.
Rights to Education
Rights to education for children are codified but improperly implemented. Education is required until 12 years of age, but those who are not registered are unable to attend school. Financial burdens to pay for education prevent children from attending school. Additionally, only 29 percent of girls attend school, whereas 41 percent of boys attend school.
One reason for decreased female attendance is sexual abuse at schools by teachers or peers.
Refugees
Despite the aforementioned human rights abuses, there remain positive areas. For example, Mozambique provides protection of refugees. Mozambique has signed the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1969 African Union Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of the Refugee Problem in Africa. The government protects refugees from forceful repatriation to countries where harm could be done to the refugees. Mozambique also cooperates with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees by recognizing about 7,600 refugees and asylum seekers from Zimbabwe and integrating them into society.
Trafficking
Mozambican law does not allow human trafficking, although this still occurs. It is supposed to be punished by imprisonment of 16 to 20 years. Most victims are sent to South Africa or Swaziland and are women or children. They are subject to sexual exploitation and forced labor. Organized crime groups are suspected of conducting human trafficking with false promises of a better life in South Africa.
In addition to Mozambicans being trafficked, humans from other countries travel through Mozambique and are trafficked in South Africa.
Despite the anti-trafficking law, no cases were brought forth in 2009. However, a special unit has been created to deal with anti-trafficking investigation and reintegration. These units still do not have sufficient resources to provide aid to victims.
Past Ambassadors
William A. De Pree
Appointment: Feb 4, 1976
Presentation of Credentials: Apr 16, 1976
Termination of Mission: Left post, Jul 7, 1980
David E. Simcox
Note: Not commissioned; nomination not acted upon by the Senate. William H. Twaddell served as Chargé d'Affaires ad interim.
Note: Not commissioned; nomination not acted upon by the Senate. William H. Twaddell served as Chargé d'Affaires ad interim.
Peter Jon de Vos
Appointment: Sep 23, 1983
Presentation of Credentials: Nov 4, 1983
Termination of Mission: Left post, Feb 12, 1987
Appointment: Sep 23, 1983
Presentation of Credentials: Nov 4, 1983
Termination of Mission: Left post, Feb 12, 1987
Melissa Foelsch Wells
Appointment: Sep 11, 1987
Presentation of Credentials: Sep 26., 1987
Termination of Mission: Left post, Oct 12, 1990
Note: An earlier nomination of Oct 7, 1986, was not acted upon by the Senate.
Appointment: Sep 11, 1987
Presentation of Credentials: Sep 26., 1987
Termination of Mission: Left post, Oct 12, 1990
Note: An earlier nomination of Oct 7, 1986, was not acted upon by the Senate.
Townsend B. Friedman, Jr.
Appointment: Aug 6, 1990
Presentation of Credentials: Nov 10, 1990
Termination of Mission: Left post, Sep 15, 1993
Appointment: Aug 6, 1990
Presentation of Credentials: Nov 10, 1990
Termination of Mission: Left post, Sep 15, 1993
Dennis C. Jett
Appointment: Jul 16, 1993
Presentation of Credentials: Nov 17, 1993
Termination of Mission: Left post, Jul 20, 1996
Appointment: Jul 16, 1993
Presentation of Credentials: Nov 17, 1993
Termination of Mission: Left post, Jul 20, 1996
Note: P. Michael McKinley served as Chargé d'Affaires ad interim, Jul 1996–Dec 1997.
Brian D. Curran
Appointment: Oct 24, 1997
Presentation of Credentials: Dec 3, 1997
Termination of Mission: Left post Jun 21, 2000
Appointment: Oct 24, 1997
Presentation of Credentials: Dec 3, 1997
Termination of Mission: Left post Jun 21, 2000
Sharon P. Wilkinson
Appointment: Sep 15, 2000
Presentation of Credentials: Oct 25, 2000
Termination of Mission: Left post Jul 21, 2003
Appointment: Sep 15, 2000
Presentation of Credentials: Oct 25, 2000
Termination of Mission: Left post Jul 21, 2003
Helen R. Meagher La Lime
Appointment: Apr 16, 2003
Presentation of Credentials: Sep 3, 2003
Termination of Mission: Left post, Jun 21, 2006
Appointment: Apr 16, 2003
Presentation of Credentials: Sep 3, 2003
Termination of Mission: Left post, Jun 21, 2006
Mozambique's Ambassador to the U.S.
Sumbana, Amélia Matos
On November 4, 2009, Amélia Matos Sumbana became the Ambassador of Mozambique to the United States.
Sumbana attended Eduardo Mondlane University of Maputo. In 1994, she was elected to the National Parliament and she served until 2009. In 1997, she became the Secretary of the Central Committee for International Relations of the FRELIMO Party, serving in this capacity until 2006.
Matos also provided services for the Ministry of Education and Culture and the UN Development.
Sumbana also helped found the Mozambique Red Cross and was its Deputy President from 2000-2004.
She speaks English, French, Portuguese, Spanish, and Tsonga.
She is married and has four children.
- Table of Contents
- News
- Overview
- Basic Information
- History
- Newspapers
- History of U.S. Relations with Mozambique
- Current U.S. Relations with Mozambique
- Where Does the Money Flow
- Controversies
- Human Rights
- Debate
- Past Ambassadors
- Ambassador to the U.S.
- Embassy Web Site in the U.S.
- Comments
- Leave a comment
U.S. Ambassador to Mozambique
Griffiths, Douglas
An experienced diplomat who has served there before and speaks the Portuguese language was nominated by President Obama on March 29, 2012, to be the next ambassador to the southern African nation of Mozambique. Born circa 1964, Douglas M. Griffiths earned a B.A. in Government at Notre Dame University in 1986 and a Masters in Public Policy from Princeton University’s Woodrow Wilson School.
Griffiths joined the Foreign Service in 1988 and served early career foreign postings in Québec City, Canada; Lisbon, Portugal; and Maputo, Mozambique; before returning to Washington, D.C. After completing the State Department economic course, Griffiths served on the South Africa desk during that country’s transition to democracy. Griffiths made use of his economic education, serving as first secretary for economic affairs at the embassy in Rabat, Morocco, from 1996 to 1999, and as counselor for International Economic Affairs at the U.S. Mission in Geneva, Switzerland, from 2000 to 2004. He was then deputy chief of mission and chargé d’affaires ad interim at the embassy in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, from 2004 to 2006, which included the difficult period after the coup against the popularly elected President, Jean-Bertrande Aristide.
From 2006 to 2009, he was the principal officer at the consulate general in Guayaquil, Ecuador, also during a tense period after Ecuador and the U.S. expelled one another’s ambassadors. Since 2009, Griffiths has been deputy permanent representative to the United Nations in Geneva, Switzerland.
Griffiths is married and has two children. He speaks French, Portuguese and Spanish.
-Matt Bewig
Green Diplomacy on Display at U.S. Mission (by James Kanter, New York Times)
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