Overview
Located in the strategic Horn of Africa, Eritrea’s short history has been marred by warfare and internal violence. When it broke away from Ethiopia in 1991, Eritrea took with it Ethiopia’s access to the Red Sea. Eritrea’s long coastline makes it important to world powers like the United States because its close proximity allows it to potentially affect shipping in the Red Sea. This strategic value has not, however, resulted in good relations with the US. On the contrary, the US forged a strong military-based relationship with Ethiopia, which engaged Eritrea in a bloody border conflict from 1998-2000. Eritrea’s offer for the US to use its port facilities for American naval ships has not been accepted by American officials, and in recent years, diplomatic ties between the two nations have become strained. In 2001, two Eritrean nationals working at the US Embassy in Asmara were arrested and have remained in prison since without trial. In 2007, the US closed Eritrea’s mission in California, and furthermore, the State Department began threatening to list Eritrea as a state sponsor of terrorism unless the government stopped funding Islamic rebels in Somalia. The Eritrean government has denied supporting Somali insurgents. The country also has been criticized by US and human rights officials for the country’s poor human rights record.
Basic Information
Lay of the Land: Eritrea is located in the Horn of Africa and is bordered on the northeast and east by the Red Sea, on the west and northwest by Sudan, on the south by Ethiopia, and on the southeast by Djibouti. The country has a high central plateau that varies from 1,800 to 3,000 meters (6,000-10,000 ft.) above sea level. A coastal plain, western lowlands, and some 300 islands comprise the remainder of Eritrea's landmass. Eritrea has no year-round rivers.
Population: 3.6 million
Religions: Muslim (Sunni) 49.2%, Orthodox Christian 30.1%, Catholic 13.2%, Protestant 4.5%, Ethnoreligous 2.0%, Buddhist 0.1%, Hindu 0.1%, Baha'i 0.1%.
Ethnic Groups: Tigrinya 50%, Tigre and Kunama 40.5%, Afar 4%, Saho 3%, other 3%.
Languages: Tigrigna (official) 27.3%, Tigré 18.2%, Saho 4.1%, Afar 3.4%, Bedawi 3.4%, Kunama 2.4%, Nara 1.8%, Bilen 1.6%, Hijazi Arabic, English (official), Arabic (official).
History
In the late 1880s Italy purchased the Red Sea port of Assab and established Eritrea as a colony of Italy with a market-based agricultural economy. At its peak at the beginning of World War II, 70,000 Italians lived in the colony. The Italians treated the Eritreans as little more than cheap labor, but they did develop a reasonable infrastructure that included railway lines, all-weather roads and two airports. When Italian forces were driven out Ethiopia and Eritrea in 1941, the Allied Powers gave Eritrea to Great Britain to rule as a protectorate.
After the war, the fate of the nation was put in the hands of the United Nations. Although the majority of Eritreans wanted independence, the UN passed a resolution in 1950 joining Eritrea with Ethiopia in a federation. The Ethiopians, led by Emperor Haile Selassie, gradually took over all control of Eritrea, reducing it to a mere province of Ethiopia. Pro-independence Eritrean guerrillas began a war against Ethiopia in 1961. The liberation armies split into Christian and Muslim factions, as well as regional forces.
By the time the Ethiopian monarchy collapsed in the 1974, there were about 20,000 Eritrean soldiers and they were beginning to control some of the more remote areas of the country. In the confusion that followed the change of government in Ethiopia, the Eritrean guerrillas occupied almost all of Eritrea. The new Ethiopian government, the Dergue, gained massive military aid from the Soviet Union and Cuba, but the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), led by Isaias Afwerki, grew to a force of 110,000, 30% of whom were women, and kept the Ethiopian army at bay. As the Soviet armed forces became increasingly bogged down in their war in Afghanistan, they lost interest in helping the Dergue.
Afwerki was born into an Eritrean family that was respected during the reign of Haile Selassie. He studied engineering in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa, but left to join the Muslim-dominated Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) in 1966. The ELF sent him to be trained in China. Back in Eritrea, he switched to first one liberation splinter group and then another, finally settling on the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), of which he soon became the leader.
In 1982, Isaias formed an alliance with Meles Zenawi, the head of another guerrilla group, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front, which was seeking independence from Ethiopia for the Tigrayan people. Together they defeated the ELF and headed towards Addis Ababa. In 1991, they forced out the hated regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam. In April 1993, with numerous international observer teams in attendance, the Eritreans voted overwhelmingly for independence. Afwerki became Eritrea’s first, and to date only, president.
At first the prospects for the newly-independent nation looked promising. Although Eritrea had been damaged by 30 years of war and it had to deal with the return of a quarter-million Eritrean refugees from Sudan, it was greeted enthusiastically by the international community. Even the government of Ethiopia, which was, after all, ruled by Afwerki’s old friend Meles Zenawi, offered its support.
Afwerki’s government was surprisingly tolerant considering they had come to power through force of arms. The EPLF soldiers were required to leave their weapons at police posts before entering the capital of Asmara, and the police themselves did not carry guns. Carrying on a practice they had begun in liberated areas during the war, they acknowledged the importance of ethnic minorities by offering elementary school education in six languages. They also sent out cultural workers to teach the music, dance and arts of the different nationalities and they initiated a project of recording oral histories from elders of all groups. In November 1991, Afwerki announced compulsory “national service” for all citizens between the ages of eighteen and forty. University students were sent to rural areas to teach reading and writing, while soldiers built roads and dams and terraced hillsides for agricultural use.
Before long, however, it became clear that Afwerki had no intention of sharing real power with anyone. In 1997, a constituent assembly ratified a new constitution that then had to be voted on by the Eritrean citizenry before it could be implemented. The election never happened. Nor was a full judicial system ever put in place. No group larger than seven is allowed to gather without government approval. The government-run student summer work program began to look suspiciously like forced labor camps. When a newspaper published a first-person account of the mistreatment of student-workers in September 2001, Afwerki shut down all of the private newspapers in Eritrea and they have remained closed ever since.
The 1991 split between Eritrea and Ethiopia was amicable, but it left the exact borders in three remote areas unresolved. After months of minor skirmishes, on May 6, 1998, Eritrean troops moved into one of the disputed zones, the Badme Triangle, and fought with local militia. Almost immediately, the old revolutionary comrades Afwerki and Zenawi ordered their armies to engage in a full-out war. This absurd conflict over three meaningless strips of land was particularly tragic for Eritrea, which depended on Ethiopia for two-thirds of its trade. In addition, Eritrea had less than one-sixteenth the population of Ethiopia. Afwerki used the supposedly patriotic national service system to round up young people, take them to police stations and put them on the front lines. He also used precious government funds to purchase expensive MiG-29 fighter jets, planes so sophisticated that he had to hire Eastern European pilots to fly them.
After two years of fighting, the displacement of more than 600,000 Eritreans and the deaths of tens of thousands of soldiers, Ethiopia reoccupied the disputed territories and the war ended. A 2002 decision by an independent Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission, backed by the United Nations and the African Union, awarded Badme to Eritrea. Although both sides had agreed to abide by the decision of the commission, Ethiopia’s Zenawi refused to turn over the land. Isaias refused to take any responsibility for the war, blaming it all on Meles. In an interview with National Public Radio’s “Talk of the Nation,” he said, “How much money have we wasted in this war the last three years? How many lives has this conflict cost Eritrea and Ethiopia? Was it worthwhile to use this money, wasted on weapons, wasted on fighting a senseless war? Couldn’t that have been used for some useful purpose?...Yes, we squandered money, we spent money, but that was for self-defense.”
International observers thought otherwise. On December 21, 2005, a commission of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague ruled that Eritrea was responsible for causing the war when it attacked Ethiopia.
Ethiopia is not the only country with which Afwerki has clashed. Eritrea engaged in a three-day war with Yemen in December 1995 over control of the Hanish Islands, and Afwerki and Sudan’s dictator, Omar al-Bashir, supported guerrilla groups that opposed each other’s governments. No doubt inspired by President George W. Bush’s declaration that Iraq, Iran and North Korea formed an “Axis of Evil,” Afwerki accused Ethiopia, Yemen and Sudan of being an “Axis of Belligerence.”
History of Eritrea (Unity Center of Minnesota)
History of Eritrea (History World)
Eritrea (Library of Congress)
History of U.S. Relations with Eritrea
The US consulate in Asmara was first established in 1942. In 1953, the United States signed a mutual defense treaty with Ethiopia. The treaty granted the United States control and expansion of the important British military communications base at Kagnew near Asmara. The US military turned the facility into a major spy base for the National Security Agency. In the 1960s, as many as 4,000 American military personnel were stationed at Kagnew.
In the 1970s, technological advances in the satellite and communications fields were making the communications station at Kagnew increasingly obsolete. In 1974, Kagnew Station drastically reduced its personnel complement. In early 1977, the United States informed the Ethiopian government that it intended to close Kagnew Station permanently by September 30, 1977. In the meantime, US relations with the Mengistu regime were worsening. In April 1977, Mengistu abrogated the 1953 mutual defense treaty and ordered a reduction of US personnel in Ethiopia, including the closure of Kagnew Communications Center and the consulate in Asmara.
In August 1992, the United States reopened its consulate in Asmara, staffed with one officer. On April 27, 1993, the United States recognized Eritrea as an independent state, and on June 11, diplomatic relations were established, with a chargé d'affaires. The first US ambassador arrived later that year.
Current U.S. Relations with Eritrea
Noted Eritrean-American
Meb Keflezighi won the silver medal for the US in the Olympic Marathon in 2004. He was born in Eritrea, but his family fled the country during the war with Ethiopia, arriving in the US in 1987 and acquiring citizenship in 1998.
Relations between Eritrea and the United States have been strained this decade. In the past, the United States has provided substantial assistance to Eritrea, including food and development. In FY 2004, the United States provided over $65 million in humanitarian aid to Eritrea, including $58.1 million in food assistance and $3.47 million in refugee support. In 2005, the government of Eritrea told the US Agency for International Development (USAID) to cease operations. At the Eritrean government's request, the United States no longer provides bilateral development assistance to Eritrea.
In 2000, United States diplomats helped facilitate the Algiers Accord which helped settle the border dispute between Eritrea and Ethiopia. The US also promised to support the Eritrea-Ethiopia Border Commission (EEBC). But the administration of President George W. Bush has been largely absent during key moments since the EEBC issued its 2002 decision. Since then, few incentives were offered for compliance and failures to abide by commitments were not followed up by sanctions.
The Bush administration has been reluctant to put pressure on Ethiopia because it considers it a regional security ally and an important player in its counterterrorism policies. The most visible example of that policy is Ethiopia’s ongoing intervention in Somalia, which has come not only with US support, but perhaps by US design.
Some in the US have argued that Eritrea should receive more attention from American policymakers. The country is struggling with significant internal developmental issues, but Eritrean officials may want to participate in the United States’ Global War on Terrorism. The US would be served by moving closer to Eritrea to prevent the growing possibility of a terrorist organization supported by al Qaeda attempting to turn the country into an Islamic state. This development would have grave repercussions for the strategic Horn of Africa, given Eritrea’s proximity to the Red Sea.
In fact, Eritrea’s ruler, Isaias Afwerki, has reportedly offered the US carte blanche when it comes to using his country as a base for US military operations. High level American defense officials have visited Eritrea, including former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Army General Tommy Franks, former commander of the United States Central Command which overseas all US military operations in the Middle East.
Beginning in August 2007, things really began to go south between Eritrea and the US. The United States ordered the closure of Eritrea’s consulate in California in response to a string of restrictions imposed on the US embassy in Eritrea’s capital, according to American officials.
Eritrea responded by accusing the US of an unjust and unfriendly policy.
Then in September 2007, a top US State Department official claimed Eritrea was “providing military assistance to the Islamic Courts in Somalia, to groups the United States regards as affiliated with al-Qaeda, to groups that are attacking Ethiopia, the US strategic partner in the region.” Furthermore, the State Department was preparing to blacklist Eritrea by labeling it as a “State Sponsor of Terrorism.”
In 2009, the US threatened Eritrea with military action for supporting a Somalian terrorist group, Al-Shabaab, an Al-Qaeda-linked group that recruits young Americans to become suicide bombers. Al-Shabaab is believed to be behind the terrorist threat during President Obama's January inauguration. The US warned the Eritrean government that the US would take military action against Eritrea if the plot was carried out. Eritrea is not on the US State Department's list of State Sponsors of Terrorism, but the US continues to accuse Eritrea of aiding terrorist groups in Somalia.
Although exact figures on the number of Eritreans living in the US are scarce, sizable communities have settled in Atlanta, Columbus and Dallas. The largest Eritrean community outside of the country itself is located in Washington, DC. Due to the 30-year war for independence with Ethiopia, more than 750,000 Eritreans sought refuge abroad, with two-thirds of the refugees fleeing into neighboring Sudan.
In 2006, 967 Americans visited Eritrea, 40% less than the 1,611 that visited in 2005. Between 2002 to 2005 the number of US visitors to the African country remained between 1,611 (2005) and 1,745 (2003).
A total of 145 Eritreans visited the US in 2006. The number of visitors has fluctuated between a low of 117 (2005) and a high of 191 (2003) in the last five years.
Africa: History Can Be Cruel for Eritrea, Ethiopia (by Mark L. Schneider, AllAfrica.com)
A Tale of Two Colonies (by Robert Kaplan, The Atlantic)
U.S. Will Declare Eritrea as State Sponsor of Terrorism, says US Assistant Secretary of State (by Daya Gamage, Asian Tribune)
US-Eritrea Relations: Soured by Design (by Sophia Tesfamariam, American Chronicle)
US Threatens Eritrea Over Support for Al-Qaeda Linked Terrorists (by Damien McElroy, Telegraph)
Where Does the Money Flow
Trade between Eritrea and the US is marginal. From 2003 to 2005, the US sold modest amounts of various food commodities, such as wheat, corn, barley and sorghum, to Eritrea, but this has now stopped. In 2007, the top US export were nonfarm tractors and parts ($2.26 million) and agricultural machinery and equipment ($1.51 million). US exports of nonfarm tractors and parts stopped in 2009, but exports of agricultural machinery and equipment rose to $7.36 million. Exports of sorghum, barley and oats were back at 2005 levels ($5.67 million).
Imports from Eritrea are even fewer. The biggest purchase in 2006 and 2007 was synthetic rubber, wood, cork, gums and resins, totaling only $144,000. In 2008, imports for Eritrea was almost nonexistent. The total value imported to the US from Eritrea was only $129,000. The biggest purchase was $71,000 for medicinal, dental and pharmaceutical preparations.
Of the $2.8 million in US aid to Eritrea in 2006, $2.4 million was dedicated to Crisis Assistance and Recovery and $400,000 was dedicated to Governments' Capabilities (Counter Terrorism). After the expulsion of 31 out of 40 international aid programs by the government of Eritrea in late 2005, and given the general lack of interest of the Eritrean government in security assistance, all aid has been cut for 2008.
Controversies
Eritrean President Accuses US of Endangering the World
Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki accused the United States in August 2007 of leading the world down a “dangerous path.” In an interview with Eritrean television, Afwerki said the US was fueling conflicts around the world as part of a strategy of monopoly and dominance. He specifically accused Washington of backing what he called Ethiopian aggression against Eritrea and in Somalia.
Eritrean President Says US Leads World on 'Dangerous Path' (Voice of America)
US Threatens to Label Eritrea Terrorism Sponsor
The United States threatened in August 2007 to put Eritrea on its list of state sponsors of terrorism for allegedly funneling weapons to insurgents fighting the Ethiopian-backed government in Somalia. Putting Eritrea on the list would impose sanctions on the Horn of Africa nation, including a ban on arms-related sales, prohibitions on some US aid, and US opposition to International Monetary Fund and World Bank loans to Eritrea. A UN monitoring group said large quantities of arms, including surface-to-air missiles, were flowing from Eritrea to Somalia.
Eritrea denied sending the weapons.
US officials mull adding Eritrea to terrorism list (by Arshad Mohammed, Reuters)
Eritrea Government Accuses US of Plotting Overthrow
In October 2002, the Eritrean Foreign Ministry accused the United States of trying to overthrow Isaias Afewerki during the 1990s. A statement released by the ministry called on the US to refrain from unwarranted intervention and accused the previous administration of President Bill Clinton of employing the CIA to oust the government in Asmara during the war between Eritrea and Ethiopia. The Eritrean statement implied that top Eritrean government officials, including former leaders of the liberation movement, who publicly criticized the Eritrean president after the war with Ethiopia, were recruited by the CIA. The Eritrean government had previously accused the officials of defeatism and of conspiring to remove President Isaias Afewerki.
CIA accused of Eritrea 'coup plot' (by Alex Last, BBC)
US Protests Arrest of Embassy Personnel in Eritrea
In October 2001, the Eritrean government arrested two employees working for the American Embassy in Asmara. Eritrean nationals Ali Alamin, who worked in the embassy’s economic affairs office, and Kiflom Gebremichael, who worked in the political office, were arrested and held without charge. They were detained shortly after the US issued a statement condemning restrictions on political dissent in Eritrea. US officials called on the Eritrean government to release the two or bring them to trial. American diplomats also compared the situation to that of 11 prominent Eritreans arrested and held incommunicado after calling for greater democracy in the country.
US Voices Concern About Human Right Violations in Eritrea (Voice of America)
Human Rights
The State Department reported in 2008 that the Eritrean government continued to have a poor human rights record, and authorities continued to commit numerous serious abuses. Problems included: “abridgement of citizens' right to change their government through a democratic process; unlawful killings by security forces; torture and beating of prisoners, sometimes resulting in death; arrest and torture of national service evaders, some of whom reportedly died of abuses while in detention; harsh and life threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, including of family members of national service evaders; executive interference in the judiciary and the use of a special court system to limit due process; infringement on privacy rights; and roundups of young men and women for national service.”
There were also “severe restrictions of basic civil liberties, including the freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and religion, particularly for religious groups not approved by the government; restriction of freedom of movement and travel for diplomats, the personnel of humanitarian and development agencies, and the UN Mission to Eritrea and Ethiopia (UNMEE); and restriction of the activities of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). There was societal abuse and discrimination against women; widespread practice of female genital mutilation (FGM); governmental and societal discrimination against members of the Kunama ethnic group; widespread societal discrimination based on sexual orientation, and reports of discrimination against those with HIV/AIDS.”
The government acted as a principal source and conduit for arms to insurgent groups in Somalia, according to a June report issued by the UN Munitions Monitoring Group.
There were reports of summary executions and of individuals shot on sight near the Ethiopian and Sudanese borders, allegedly for attempting to cross the border illegally. For example, on September 17, 2007, security forces reportedly shot and killed a member of the al-Rashaydeh tribe for refusing to comply with security authorities and trying to escape. The victim sustained bullet wounds to the face and head, according to the family.
There were numerous reports that security forces resorted to torture and physical beatings of prisoners, particularly during interrogations. There were credible reports that several military conscripts died following such treatment. Security forces severely mistreated and beat army deserters, draft evaders, persons attempting to flee the country without travel documents and exit permits, and members of certain religious groups. Security forces subjected deserters and draft evaders to such disciplinary actions as prolonged sun exposure in temperatures of up to 120 degrees Fahrenheit and the binding of hands, elbows, and feet for extended periods. No known action was taken during the year to punish perpetrators of torture and abuse.
Torture was widespread in an unknown number of detention facilities, corroborated by prison escapees. For example, authorities suspended prisoners from trees with their arms tied behind their backs, a technique known as "almaz" (diamond). Authorities also placed prisoners face down with their hands tied to their feet, a technique known as the "helicopter."
According to the State Department, “There were numerous reports that security forces resorted to torture and beatings of prisoners, particularly during interrogations. There were credible reports that several military conscripts died following such treatment. Security forces severely mistreated and beat army deserters, draft evaders, persons attempting to flee the country without travel documents and exit permits, and members of certain religious groups. Security forces subjected deserters and draft evaders to such disciplinary actions as prolonged sun exposure in temperatures of up to 120 degrees Fahrenheit and the binding of hands, elbows, and feet for extended periods.”
“Conditions for the general prison population were harsh and life threatening. There were reports that prisoners were held in underground cells or in shipping containers with little or no ventilation in extreme temperatures. The shipping containers were reportedly not large enough to allow all of those incarcerated together to lie down at the same time.”
“There were credible reports that detention center conditions for persons temporarily held for evading military service were also harsh and life threatening. Unconfirmed reports suggested there may be hundreds of such detainees. Draft evaders were reportedly sent to the W'ia military camp, where typically they were beaten. Some were held for as long as two years before being reassigned to their units. At one detention facility outside Asmara, authorities continued to hold detainees in an underground hall with no access to light or ventilation and sometimes in very crowded conditions. Some detainees reportedly suffered from severe mental and physical stress due to these conditions. There were also reports of multiple deaths at the W'ia military camp due to widespread disease and lack of medical care.”
The government does not recognize dual nationality, and security forces arbitrarily arrested Eritrean citizens with other nationalities during the year, on national security charges. There were reports that plainclothes agents of the National Security Office entered homes without warrants and arrested occupants. There also were reports that security force personnel detained individuals for reasons ranging from evading national service to unspecified national security charges. Reports also indicated that persons with connections to high‑level government officials instigated the arrest of individuals with whom they had personal vendettas.
The government continued to arbitrarily arrest and detain journalists, persons who spoke out against the government, and members of nonregistered religious groups.
There were no developments in the 2002 arrests of individuals associated with the 11 PFDJ National Assembly members who were detained in 2001 or of Eritrean diplomats who were recalled from their posts. At least four Eritrean diplomats arrested in previous years, including former ambassador to China Ermias Debassai (Papayo) remained in detention as did Aster Yohannes, wife of former foreign minister Petros Solomon. Two citizens who worked for a foreign embassy have remained in detention without charge since 2001. One of two citizens who worked for another foreign embassy and were arrested in 2005 and 2006 was released during the year; the other remained in detention. Ten citizens employed with international and local NGOs remained in detention.
There were reports that the government continued to hold without charge numerous members of the Eritrean Liberation Front, an armed opposition group that fought against Ethiopia during the struggle for independence.
Citizens did not have the right to criticize their government in public or in private, and some who did so were arrested or detained. The private press remained banned, and most independent journalists remained in detention or had fled the country, which effectively prevented any public criticism of the government. The government intimidated the remaining journalists into self-censorship.
The government controlled all media, which included three newspapers, three radio stations, and two television stations. The law does not allow private ownership of broadcast or other media. The government banned the import of foreign publications; however, individuals were permitted to purchase satellite dishes and subscribe to international media. The government had to approve publications distributed by religious or international organizations before their release, and the government continued to restrict the right of the religious media to comment on politics or government policies. The press law forbids reprinting of articles from banned publications. The government also required diplomatic missions to submit all press releases for approval before their publication in the government media.
The government permitted two of the three reporters representing foreign news organizations to operate in the country; however, it frequently prevented them from filing stories with their news organizations. A third reporter was told not to report and was expelled from the country after refusing to reveal sources. The Swedish reporter who was held by the government for nearly four years, released for medical treatment in November 2005 and then detained again a few days later, remained in detention without charge at year's end.
The State Department’s annual report stated that,“According to Reporters Without Borders, journalists who remained in detention at year's end included: Eri-TV journalists Ahmed ‘Bahja’ Idris, Johnny Hisabu, Senait Tesfay, Fathia Khaled, and Amir Ibrahim; Radio Dimtsi Hafash employees Daniel Mussie and Temesghen Abay; and Yemane Haile of the Eritrean News Agency. All those detained, except Hisabu, who was held in a detention center in Barentu, were reportedly held in a police-run complex in Asmara known as Agip.”
At least 15 local journalists who were arrested in 2001 remained in government custody at year's end. There were reports in February that former journalist Fessehaye "Joshua" Yohannes, who had been detained since 2001 for publishing an open letter critical of the president, died in detention as a result of life-threatening conditions in the Eiraeiro prison. .
“Only the four religious groups whose registrations had been approved by the government were allowed to meet legally during the year. These were: Orthodox Christians, Muslims, Catholics, and members of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Eritrea, an umbrella group of several Protestant churches affiliated with the Lutheran World Federation. Security forces continued to abuse, arrest, detain, and torture members of nonregistered churches; at times such abuse resulted in death.”
During the year there continued to be reports that security forces used extreme physical abuse such as bondage, heat exposure, and beatings to punish those detained for their religious beliefs. Numerous detainees were reportedly required to sign statements repudiating their faith or agreeing not to practice it as a condition for release. There also continued to be reports that relatives were asked to sign for detainees who refused to sign such documents. There also continued to be reports that relatives were asked to sign for detainees who refused to sign such documents.
In October there were allegations that government authorities confiscated and burned more than 1,500 Bibles from incoming military trainees. Those who protested the burning were allegedly locked in metal shipping containers.
In November a member of the Full Gospel Church died at the Wi'a Military Training Center after being refused malaria medications. This is reportedly the second death of the year due to withholding of malaria medications, a practice security forces have allegedly used to force trainees to recant their faith.
Citizens could generally travel freely within the country and change their place of residence, but the government restricted travel to some areas within the country and blocked international travel. In August, the government suspended exit visas and passport services to its citizens. By year's end the government provided document and travel service only to known government loyalists. Military police periodically set up roadblocks in Asmara and on roads between cities to find draft evaders and deserters. Police also stopped persons on the street and forcibly detained those who were unable to present identification documents or movement papers showing they had permission to be in that area.
Past Ambassadors
Robert Gordon Houdek
Appointment: Nov 22, 1993
Presentation of Credentials: Dec 31, 1993
Termination of Mission: Left post, Sep 10, 1996
John F. Hicks
Appointment: Jul 2, 1996
Presentation of Credentials: Sep 29, 1996
Termination of Mission: Left post, May 11, 1997
Appointment: Jul 2, 1996
Presentation of Credentials: Sep 29, 1996
Termination of Mission: Left post, May 11, 1997
William Davis Clarke
Appointment: Jun 29, 1998
Presentation of Credentials: Aug 20, 1998
Termination of Mission: Left post Aug 12, 2001
Appointment: Jun 29, 1998
Presentation of Credentials: Aug 20, 1998
Termination of Mission: Left post Aug 12, 2001
Donald J. McConnell
Appointment: Jul 16, 2001
Presentation of Credentials: Oct 3, 2001
Termination of Mission: Left post, Jul 16, 2004
Appointment: Jul 16, 2001
Presentation of Credentials: Oct 3, 2001
Termination of Mission: Left post, Jul 16, 2004
Scott H. DeLisi
Appointment: May 12, 2004
Presentation of Credentials: Oct 21, 2004
Termination of Mission: Left post, Jun 2, 2007
Appointment: May 12, 2004
Presentation of Credentials: Oct 21, 2004
Termination of Mission: Left post, Jun 2, 2007
Eritrea's Ambassador to the U.S.
Ghebremariam, Ghirmai
Ghirmai Ghebremariam became ambassador of Eritrea to the United States on July 31, 2006. He previously served as the Chargé d'Affaires to Yemen, ambassador to Kenya, and ambassador to the UK from 2000 to 2003. Prior to his appointment as ambassador of Eritrea to the US in 2006, he had served as the Chargé d'Affaires.
- Table of Contents
- News
- Overview
- Basic Information
- History
- Newspapers
- History of U.S. Relations with Eritrea
- Current U.S. Relations with Eritrea
- Where Does the Money Flow
- Controversies
- Human Rights
- Debate
- Past Ambassadors
- Ambassador to the U.S.
- Embassy Web Site in the U.S.
- Comments
- Leave a comment
U.S. Ambassador to Eritrea
McMullen, Ronald
A native of Iowa, Ronald K. McMullen was sworn in as the US ambassador to Eritrea on November 8, 2007.
McMullen received his bachelor’s degree from Drake University, his master’s degree from the University of Minnesota and his doctorate from the University of Iowa, where he wrote his dissertation on economic consequences of African coups d’etat. His languages include Spanish, French, and Afrikaans.
Before joining the Foreign Service in 1982, McMullen served as a State Department intern in Khartoum, Sudan. From 1990 until 1993, McMullen served as visiting professor at the US Military Academy at West Point where he taught six different courses in International Relations and Comparative Politics.
A member of the Senior Foreign Service, McMullen has served overseas as deputy principal officer in Cape Town, South Africa; economic officer in Libreville, Gabon; political officer in Colombo, Sri Lanka; and vice consul in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic.
From 1999 to 2002, he served as deputy chief of mission and Chargé d’Affaires in the Fiji Islands at a time when the country was the brink of civil conflict after an armed takeover of parliament and subsequent coup d’etat.
McMullen was deputy chief of mission in Rangoon, Burma from 2002 until 2005. In Burma he worked closely with Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and pro-democracy and ethnic minority groups.
He then served as associate dean of the Foreign Service Institute’s School of Leadership and Management and directed the Office of Afghanistan and Pakistan in the Bureau of International Narcotic and Law Enforcement Affairs.
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